The Tea, Spilled by Morning Joe: ‘Good tactics and bad strategy is the slowest way to lose a war’

This is the April 20, 2026, edition of “The Tea, Spilled by Morning Joe” newsletter. Subscribe here to get it delivered straight to your inbox Monday through Friday.

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QUOTE OF THE DAY

“Trump has been raised up by God.”

—  

White House Faith Office advisor Paula White claiming that opposition to President Trump is opposing the “hand of God”

JS: Before wars start, I always go back to the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine. After 241 Marines were killed in Beirut in 1983 — what Ronald Reagan called “the source of my greatest regret and greatest sorrow as President” — his secretary of defense, Caspar Weinberger, wrote down six conditions for going to war. This was, of course, only eight years after Vietnam. 

Following the Gulf War, Gen. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, expanded that list to the eight questions U.S. leaders should ask before going to war:

  1. Is a vital national security interest threatened?
  2. Do we have a clear, attainable objective?
  3. Have the risks and costs been fully and frankly analyzed?
  4. Have all other nonviolent policy means been fully exhausted?
  5. Is there a plausible exit strategy to avoid endless entanglement?
  6. Have the consequences of our actions been fully considered?
  7. Is the action supported by the American people?
  8. Do we have genuine, broad international support?

As for the decision to invade Iran, the questions raised here answer themselves. Good tactics and bad strategy has long been the slowest way to lose a war. The Trump administration may be proving right that military dictum again.

Q&A with David Ignatius

MB: David, give us your insight on the doctrine.

David Ignatius: That list should be written on a piece of paper and placed in the Resolute Desk for every future president. It’s not just a checklist — it’s what a president owes the country before asking it to go to war.

JS: And right now, only 1 in 3 Americans supports this war. Two out of three oppose it. David, a lot of people threw this framework aside after 9/11 — and we got Iraq, a 20-year entanglement in Afghanistan, and now Iran. Every stop sign, every lesson from Vietnam and Beirut — blown through.

DI: What we’ve seen in Iran is that a president has a fundamental obligation to explain the war and its goals to the country — not just in terms of potential American lives lost, but the sacrifices we ask of allies fighting alongside us. That’s why the founders gave Congress the power to declare war under Article 1. It’s not just about involving Congress as an institution — it’s about ensuring the people, represented by Congress, understand what the war is about and support it.

JS: So what does it look like when maybe one out of those eight boxes get checked? 

DI: The absence of everything on that list explains [President Donald] Trump’s current dilemma. He’s leading a sharply unpopular war — two-thirds of the country disapproves. Those are not the conditions in which an American president can successfully lead a war. 

His only real option becomes negotiating a way out. And the Iranians see that — that he needs an exit more than they do. For Iran, you don’t have to win this war, you just have to survive. And that’s what they’re doing. That’s why they have the leverage right now.

CHART OF THE DAY

Source: NBC News poll conducted among 32,433 U.S. adults, March 30-April 13, 2026, margin of error: +/-1.8%

ON THIS DATE

Happy 114th birthday, Fenway Park! On April 20, 1912, some 27,000 fans packed the stands as Boston Mayor John “Honey Fitz” Fitzgerald — grandfather of a future president — threw out the first pitch at what would become the oldest active stadium in Major League Baseball. The Red Sox beat the New York Highlanders, later known as the Yankees, 7-6 in 11 innings. New York has been complaining about it ever since. 

Transcendental Graphics, Getty Images Getty Images

A CONVERSATION WITH TIMOTHY SNYDER

In a new Substack post, historian Timothy Snyder

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warns Americans to “catch ourselves now” as Donald Trump escalates his wartime rhetoric. The “On Tyranny” author joined “Morning Joe” today to discuss the risks of that kind of language — and what it will take to push back. 

MB: When President Trump talks about wiping out a civilization, what does that tell you?

TS: It reveals he can imagine that kind of world — and if Americans don’t push back, we normalize it. Once those words are out there, any military action gets interpreted through that lens, potentially as something like genocide.

MB: And then he doesn’t follow through — what does that do to U.S. credibility?

TS: It’s damaging. He essentially threatens something catastrophic and then backs off the same day, which makes the U.S. look weak — like we bluff constantly and get called on it.

JL: Some aides say this “madman strategy” works, that it brought adversaries to the table. Did it?

TS: It didn’t actually move Iran. It was a bluff that got called. And more broadly, we’re not in the position of strength Americans assume. No amount of threats or targeting infrastructure will change that. 

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